face="Times New Roman Star"c?og|yn- 1 (Sag.- R 2, 2014)
face="Times New Roman Star"s?oqta- 'to besprinkle idols with an exclmation s?oq!' R 4, 1024)
face="Times New Roman Star"c?og|yr- 2 (Lebed. R 3, 2014), c?oqto- 'to besprinkle idols with an exclamation c?oq!' (R 3, 2009)
face="Times New Roman Star"s/ъk 5
face="Times New Roman Star"c?oqun- 3, 4
face="Times New Roman Star"s?oqyn- 3
face="Times New Roman Star"suqyn- 3
face="Times New Roman Star"s?oqyn- 3
face="Times New Roman Star"c?oqun- 3
face="Times New Roman Star"VEWT 113-114, Егоров 328, Федотов 2, 426-427. Ra"sa"nen's attempt to explain the verb as "baptism through immersion" (linking Kypch. c?oqur 'pit' and Taranchi c?oqur- 'to sink' (R 3, 2007) appears unconvincing. The former word is derived from c?ok- 'to delve', and the latter should be corrected to c?o"ku"r- according to more modern sources. The semantic transfer of a pagan ceremony to the Christian one seems quite natural in an islamicized society. The same root may be represented by the exclamation (made during a libation), Oyr. c?oq!, Shor s?oq!, and further - the approbatory exclamation Kirgh. c?ok!, Kaz. s?oq! etc. Quite unlikely is the hypothesis of a loan from Hebrew (Y. Malov, quoted in Федотов). In fact, the meaning in Chuv. ('pledge') and the external parallels suggest that the religious component in the meaning of *c?ok- is relatively late (having evolved after the separation of Bulgars): 'pledge' > 'sacrifice' > 'praying' > 'baptizing'. Turk. > Hung. cso"k 'sacrifice', see Gombocz 1912.
face="Times New Roman Star"byla (dial., Баск. Туба)
face="Times New Roman Star"bila"
face="Times New Roman Star"-bala(n)
face="Times New Roman Star"-ynan (?)
face="Times New Roman Star"bile
face="Times New Roman Star"minen
face="Times New Roman Star"-ben
face="Times New Roman Star"-ben
face="Times New Roman Star"-benen
face="Times New Roman Star"bla
face="Times New Roman Star"-jlan
face="Times New Roman Star"byla
face="Times New Roman Star"benen
face="Times New Roman Star"bile
face="Times New Roman Star"bulan
face="Times New Roman Star"EDT 364-365, ЭСТЯ 2, 140-142. Phonetic variants are explained by the transformation of the root into a postposition and, further, into a case ending. The form bile is attested quite early and therefore can be hardly treated as an assimilation < bir-le (derived from bir '1', cf. bir-ge, bir-c?e with a similar meaning).
face="Times New Roman Star"jul- (R.), july- (Houts.)
face="Times New Roman Star"jul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jul-, z?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jol-
face="Times New Roman Star"jol-
face="Times New Roman Star"c?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"c?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jul-, d/ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jilu-
face="Times New Roman Star"s/ъw|l-
face="Times New Roman Star"suluj-
face="Times New Roman Star"c?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"z?|ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"z?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jolo-
face="Times New Roman Star"z?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"jol-
face="Times New Roman Star"jul-, julu-
face="Times New Roman Star"z?ul-
face="Times New Roman Star"EDT 918, ЭСТЯ 4, 216; often confused with *ju"l- 'shave' (v. sub *zu>li). Turk. forms like *julk- (VEWT 210) may be borrowed from Mong.
face="Times New Roman Star"bo"jle, (dial.) bele; (dial.) bile-m 'myself' etc.
face="Times New Roman Star"bejle, bo"jle (Pav. C.)
face="Times New Roman Star"bejla", bela", dial. bila"-m 'myself' etc.
face="Times New Roman Star"bejle
face="Times New Roman Star"bejde (Kumd.)
face="Times New Roman Star"bila"-m, bila"-si, bila"-miz 'myself, himself, ourselves' etc. ( < Az.)
face="Times New Roman Star"ЭСТЯ 2, 107-108. Cf. perhaps also Yak. bet-tex (Dolg. bettek) 'here, closely', Yak., Dolg. betere: 'this, nearest side' (although it may go back to *bet 'face'; derivation < *be-ru" 'this side' in ЭСТЯ 2, 124, followed by Stachowski 59, is hardly plausible). The sometimes proposed explanation as *bu ile, i.e. "together with it" or "by means of it" is not quite acceptable for semantic reasons. As for the Oghuz variants with a labialized vowels, they may have an assimilative origin. But on the whole the attribution of the Turkic form is still dubious (although the semantic derivation "similar, such as" < "face, looks" seems to be quite common in Altaic).
face="Times New Roman Star"qas?s?an| 'poor, beggar'
face="Times New Roman Star"qas?s?aq 1, 2, qas?an| 2
face="Times New Roman Star"qaz?an| 2
face="Times New Roman Star"xъli 'невзрачный, плохонький', xъlin 'хитрец, упрямец, лодырь, лентяй'
face="Times New Roman Star"qas?an| 2
face="Times New Roman Star"dial. qas?s?aq 1, 2, dial. qas?an 2
face="Times New Roman Star"qasan| 2
face="Times New Roman Star"EDT 673, ЭСТЯ 5, 348-350. Turk. > WMong. qas?an| 'slow, lazy' (Clark 1980, 42); some of the modern Turkic forms may be borrowed back from Mong. (as certainly is Chuv. xaz?an).
face="Times New Roman Star"jajna- dial. 'to suffer, worry'
face="Times New Roman Star"c?ajna-
face="Times New Roman Star"jajna-, d/ajna- 'to pine'
face="Times New Roman Star"VEWT 179, ЭСТЯ 4, 80. The stem seems to be distinct from the homonymous *jadna- ( ? *jajna-) 'to be spread; be wide open (eyes)' which may be derived from *jA:d- 'spread' q. v. sub *z?|a:dV (see ЭСТЯ 4, 79); let us note, however, that many of the reflexes of the latter may actually reflect our *jadna- 'to long for, miss' (cf. especially Kirgh. z?|ajna- 'to stare with envy and hope', Tur. jajna- 'to live in prosperity' etc.).
